Appendix 1

CHINESE SOURCES

     Due to the scarcity of the materials I have chosen to discuss here all the sources I know of, even if the original texts no longer exist. This is the case, for instance, for the earliest evidence of Chinese presence in West Borneo, a tombstone mentioned by Tobias dating from the 10th year of the Qianlong era, that is 1745. It was found in a Chinese graveyard in the neighbourhood of Montrado, where there were several ancient graves. To my knowledge this tombstone no longer survives, but its existence in 1822 – the year when Tobias made his investigations - would seem beyond doubt. This evidence is important, inasmuch as it shows that not only must there have been a Chinese settlement near Montrado as early as the first half of the eighteenth century but also that it was big enough to have of a graveyard and that there were artisans who could carve tombstones.

     It is unlikely that these early settlers were gold miners, as their arrival is generally considered to have occurred at a later date. Most probably they were traders or peasants. This fact is borne out by another document, this time of a far more consistent nature and which has come down to us: the Hailu or “Records of Overseas [Regions]”, by  Xie Qinggao. Xie was born in 1765 in the village of Jinpanbao 金盤堡 in Jiaying prefecture, and therefore must have been a Hakka.  As a young boy of seventeen he embarked for South East Asia to try his luck in trade. His travels brought him all over coastal Southeast Asia. Around the age of thirty he appears to have lost his eyesight and returned to China. He established himself in Macao, where he was active as an interpreter of Malay. His extensive knowledge of the South East Asian region and the European colonial establishments attracted the interest of his countrymen. A certain Yang Bingnan 楊炳南, a xiucai from Jianying undertook the recording of his memoirs in 1820, and having polished the style of the oral transmission, gave it the title of Hailu. The work was printed several times, at first it seems in Jiaying, and later as part of the Haiwai fanyi lu congshu 海外番夷錄叢書. An modern annotated version was published in 1937 by Feng Chengjun (Shanghai, Commercial Press). Xie Qinggao’s “Records” devote a  relatively long passage of about two thousand characters to Western Borneo of around 1790, therefore giving a record of the time that Luo Fangbo was still alive.  He notes that at that time there were “a multiple of ten thousand” (shuwan ren 數萬人) Chinese living permanently in the region, and that they were not only miners, but also traders and peasants. A complete translation of this passage is included here (Appendix 5). 

    Among the other early sources special reference should be made to the poems and a ritual document compose by the Hakka leader Luo Fangbo. The life-history of this famous founder of the Lanfang kongsi has been dealt with in the historical part of the thesis. Here it suffices to recall that Luo Fangbo was born in 1738 at Shishanbao 石扇堡 in Jiaying prefecture. He came to Borneo in 1772, where he first started to work as a teacher. In 1777 he founded the Hakka common management group called Lanfang kongsi. He died at Mandor in 1795. We have three texts  written by Luo. The first is a poem in prose called You Jinshan fu “Rhapsody on My Travels to the Gold Mountain” (Appendix 4). Although, at present, I have been unable to locate the original version of this poem, it certainly was already in circulation in the middle of the nineteenth century, as De Groot has based part of his description of Luo Fangbo’s biography on it. It is therefore very probable that is was preserved in manuscript form together with other documents, such as those that served in the writing of the “Chronicle ” at the Lanfang kongsi. The text is impressive insofar as it conveys something about the mentality and feelings of the Chinese mining population in the difficult times of  their early settlement. It must have been written in the first years of Luo’s life in Borneo, as he still refers to himself as a teacher. Another poem, this time a “regular poem” (lüshi) in classical style, is of a far more positive and buoyant mood, and may therefore have been written at the time when the author had already founded the Lanfang kongsi. The third text by Luo Fangbo is a ritual text for exorcising crocodiles. Called “Address for the Sacrifice to All the Gods in Order to Expel the Crocodiles” (Ji zhushen qu eyu wen 祭諸神驅鱷魚文), it is a pastiche of  the “Address to the Crocodiles ” by Han Yu 韓愈 (768-824). Like its model, it was written on the occasion of an exorcistic ritual to put an end to a plague of crocodiles which infested the waters of the river near the settlement. The authenticity of Luo’s crocodile text is supported by Xie Qinggao’s Memories. It is a nice piece of  prose but has no historical value beyond the fact that apparently the Lanfang kongsi had attained a sufficient level – perhaps not equal to Chaozhou during the Tang, although one never can tell – of cultural sophistication to support such a ritualistic exercise.

     Not of the same date, but certainly drawing on sources kept at the headquarters of the Lanfang kongsi from its foundation until the time it was abolished in the late nineteenth century, is the Lanfang kongsi lidai niance 蘭芳公司歷代年冊 (“Chronicle of the Lanfang Kongsi Through the Ages ”). This is a modest document of some four thousand characters which gives the short biographies of the leaders of the Lanfang corporation from its founder up to Liu Asheng, the last headman, who lived from 1812 to 1884. The Chronicle was presumably compiled by Liu’s son-in-law Ye Xiangyun. According to De Groot, the text was made by copying the “official yearbooks ” which were kept at the headquarters of Lanfang. De Groot says that he wished to safeguard these “official yearbooks” to ensure they did not disappear, as he knew that the Lanfang kongsi would be dismantled at the death of Liu Asheng, and that it was on his request that Ye “copied them for him”. De Groot was very impressed by the document thus compiled. He introduced it as follows:

This [Chronicle] is rich in information concerning the foundation of the kongsi, its subsequent history, and the initial organization of its government. In addition, it gives us some matter-of-fact information about the Chinese tribes (“ stammen ”) who lived on Borneo before the establishment of our authority; it allows us to gain a clear insight into the relationship of the kongsi with the Dayaks and the rulers of Landak, Mampawa, and Pontianak; finally, it is all the more precious because, as far as we know, no autobiography  from another kongsi has been preserved.  Never before, I surmise, have we obtained  a historical document of greater value produced by the inhabitants of Borneo themselves; – there are abundant reasons therefore to preserve it forever in its original form for our colonial history.

Despite this grandiloquent presentation and the equally grandiloquent title of “yearbooks” (niance), the “Chronicle ” does not contain very much information. Only the first part, dealing with Luo Fangbo’s biography and the story of the founding of the group, its rulers (especially for the succession of Luo) and its dealings with the Dayaks, delves into the matters in any detail. The remaining biographies do not contain more than scant general data. If it seems likely that the text was based on records preserved at the Lanfang kongsi, it is equally evident that Ye did a great deal of abstracting and editing, as the work is a general outline of what may have been rather substantial records (see below). Notwithstanding this fairly disappointing nature of the text, it remains nowadays the only more or less complete record we have of the history of any of the Borneo kongsi. The “Chronicle” was translated in extenso by De Groot under the title “Jaarboeken der voorbijgegane geslachten van de Kongsi Lanfong”. At times De Groot also supplied some additional information gleaned from the kongsi’s archives. He  reproduced the original text not in facsimile but set in type. No specifications as to the size and other particulars of the original manuscript were given. It is not known whether the original still exists.

Despite De Groot’s pessimism, not all the kongsi records have since perished. The Sinological Institute of the University of Leiden owns three Chinese manuscripts of unequal length and form but which all concern the history of the kongsis of Montrado. Interestingly enough, all three manuscripts have also been translated into Malay, and these translations have been preserved together with the Chinese text. Why these translations were made is not clear. The three manuscripts and their Malay translations are kept together in one ledger and are identified by the inventory number 1149a, 1149b and 1149c.  At a certain time, the contents of the ledger got scattered and all trace of them was lost. In the early seventies, the texts 1149b and 1149c plus with the three Malay translations (including text 1149a) were rediscovered by Leonard Blussé and Ank Merens, who studied and translated these texts. [1] In 1993,  I rediscovered the Chinese text of 1149a among uninventorized manuscripts in the library of the Sinological Institute of Leiden University. The complete set has since then been reconstituted and is kept now in the rare book room in the library of the Sinological Institute. According to Mrs. Wu Rongzi, the keeper of the collection, the manuscript must have entered the library of Leiden University in the beginning of the present century.

    The most important Chinese manuscript is a booklet, whereas the other two consist of loose leaves. It is a slim fascicle of 27 double leaves, measuring 19 cm. high by 13.5 cm. wide. The paper is of a coarse quality. The unclipped leaves are bound on one side with cords of twisted paper (zhiding 紙丁). The main text is written in large regular characters of  thirteen to fifteen characters  a line, and six to seven lines per face. The entire text amounts to approximately 6000 characters. The front page carries in its centre the title of the text: “The Tale of Former Times” (Xianshi gushi 先時故事).  Also on this title page, but in the lower right corner and written in blue pencil  by an as yet unidentified Dutch sinologist, we find the mention “opgetekend door 吳石秀” (recorded by Wu Shixiu); the characters are transcribed on the right side as: “Ngo Sjak Siue”.  Under the name we find the mention “van Montrado”. The same front page carries a note written in black pencil concerning the contents of the text which says: “ Hoofdzakelijk verhalend 1837 – Suwoek, Hangmoei vertrek, v. Su-woek en Hangmoei, Daj. oorlog ”, which should mean:

Mainly relating [what happened in the] Suwoek (Xinwu) and Hangmoei (Kengwei) [kongsis in] 1837. The departure of these kongsis (from  Montrado) and the war with the Dayaks. 

   The text contained in the manuscript appears to be complete. It is a record of the wars that the Dagang kongsi waged on its neighbours and fellow members of the great Heshun federation during the years 1837 to 1839.  Written in a lively and narrative style, it bears some resemblance to the epic narratives of such classics as the Shuihu zhuan, the Shuihu houzhuan and the Sanguozhi yanyi. It would seem possible, also from the title, that it was used for storytelling. This impression is reinforced when one compares the original Chinese text with its Malay translation. The Malay translation carries on its cover the Chinese title Luyi xianshi gushi 鹿邑先時故事, that is: “ The Tale of Former Times in the Lu  Township ”, i.e. Montrado. It is a free rendering of the Chinese original, with some consistent alterations, especially of a religious nature, invoking as it does, at the place of the Chinese tian 天, the names of Allah and the Prophet. This transposition would mean, in my opinion, that the text was not a report to a superior and translated in order to be perused by some Malay sultan or his underlings, but for the purpose of being told for an audience. If this were not the case,  the “Islamization ” of the story would make little sense. Also, the events which are recorded in the narrative would be of little interest to the Malay or the Dutch authorities, who, as we shall see, looked upon the kongsis only from the viewpoint of power and profit, but with little concern for the true situation of the Chinese. The reason than that this “Tale ” was written seems to me the fact that is was a great story. The rise of the autonomous “republics”, their political intrigues, and their heroic military feats, all this spoke to the imagination of the people of Borneo and of other places in those times, as it still does in our own.

     Manuscript 1149b is much shorter (approx. 2500 characters) and appears to be only a fragment. The handwriting is so similar to that of the preceding manuscript, that it must have been copied by the same person. The author must have been a different person, inasmuch the Malay translation carries a note in the same hand and with the same blue pencil  as on 1149a stating: “opgesteld door 鍾春賜” (recorded by Zhong Chunci).

     The fragment consists of three sheets of  52 x 24 cm.  There is no title. It starts out with the phrase: “I will now describe [what happened] in the region of Dalaolu打嘮鹿 (Montrado) ”. It then continues by explaining the political situation of the different contending kongsis, the large united (Jielian) kongsi and the others which either helped it or were opposed to it, such as the Dagang kongsi. The part of the history of the kongsis covered in this manuscript is for the larger part anterior to that of “The Tale of Former Times ”. The tale begins in 1807 and first tells the story of the founding of the great federation of the Montrado kongsis called Heshun. Then the different revolts, periods of strife and battles between the allies are described, albeit in a rather cursory way. The tale ends in 1839 when the Dagang brought the entire region under its authority. There are some indications that would suggest that this text was written as a kind of report for a superior (“This I have noted in an abbreviated form for your information ”, etc.). As Blussé remarks, the course of events described here follows the same pattern as those described by Schaank, but in a much more condensed form.

     Entirely different in style and also time is the third manuscript (1149c). Like the former it has no title. It consists of a single sheet measuring 54 x 24.7 cm. The leaf is covered with small and neat characters, approximately 700 in all. It refers to the events which took place in the years 1853 to 1854, when the Dutch undertook to fight and destroy the Montrado kongsis. The author accuses Liu Asheng of having helped the former leaders of the Dagang kongsi to fight the Dutch, instead of supporting the new Regent Zheng Hong who was installed by the Dutch government (the author still speaks of “the Company ”). The author moreover shows his pro-Dutch bias by marking all dates according to the Western as well as in the Chinese calendar. It was therefore apparently written by an ally of Zheng Hong.

     As we have seen, some of the epic narratives presents above also had Malay versions. More Malay epic works exist. The Syair Perang Cina di Monterado (“Story of the Chinese War at Montrado”) is a long epic poem, by an anonymous author, the manuscript of which is preserved at the University library of Leiden University (MS Orient, no. 144).[2] It measures 20 x 17 cm. and has 132 pages. It describes the “Kongsi War” of 1853-1854. Its exact date of composition is unknown, but the Leiden manuscript should date of a period not too remote from the events it describes. The manuscript has been transcribed and published by Arena Wati.[3] The author has added a short historical introduction mainly based on the work of Jackson. A more thorough analysis of this long epic description of the kongsi war as seen from the Malay point of view would be certainly very interesting, but it has not been possible for me to include it into the present study.

     The remaining Chinese first-hand documents concerning West Borneo at my disposal are rather heterogeneous. All come from the Indonesian National Archives. Many documents are not clearly dated, but it  is probable that they have all been written in the later period, that is after 1850. I list them here in order of importance.

     1. Manuscript document in-folio, 15 leaves, entitled: Zengding Sanmo jun lixi

增定三抹君厘系 (Newly Established Covenant concerning the Regulations of Sambas). That these Provisional Regulations were indeed promulgated and applied at Sambas can be seen from a rare copy of the Chinese version of them that has come down to us in manuscript form, and which is kept at present at the National Archives of Indonesia. There is a rendering of the title into Dutch inscribed in the upper margin of the title-page in cursive handwriting, reading: “Afschrift der vertaling van het Provisioneel Reglement op het inwendig bestuur van het Regentschap Montrado gearresteerd bij Gouvt. besluit d.d. 16 febr 1852  No.1 ” ( “copy of the translation of the provisional regulations of the internal administration of the Montrado Regency as laid down by decision by the Government of 16 February 1852 No.1”) The cover has a couple of other inscriptions, such as, written in Chinese, the names of two Dutch governors, one being 老大王羅富生, which must be Former Governor Rochussen, and 新大王嚕末... (two illegible characters), which must stand for the New Governor Duymaer van Twist. Beneath the title we read, in transcription, the Chinese term “koei-li-sjoe ” that is to say: “the regulations of the district (of Sambas)”. 

     2. Letter dated 4 March 1851 from the Santiaogou kongsi to the Pangeran Ratoe of “Guda” (古打 Kota), the brother of the sultan of Sambas. This is Pangeran Ratoe Kesoema, who later became sultan of Sambas under the name of Oemar Kamaloedin (reigned 1853-1856). The letter was written from Sarawak, whither the members of the kongsi had fled after they had been attacked by the Three United Kongsis of Heshun in 1850. The letter is in reply to a request from the Pangeran for the reimbursement of a loan that the latter had granted to the kongsi to allow them to go to Sarawak. The leaders of the Santiaogou kongsi recognize the debt but explain that for the time being they have no means to reimburse the Pangeran. They also express the hope that they may soon return to Sambas. The letter carries the seal of the Santiaogou kongsi.

     3. Letter dated 1 April 1851 from the Santiaogou kongsi to Lord (tuan 段) Beitu 杯突 (the Assistant-Resident of Sambas). The aim of the letter is to warn the Dutch that they should not allow the Dagang kongsi to sue for peace. It says that the latter is now exhausted and without victuals because of the war. If a truce should be granted, the Dagang people would avail themselves of the opportunity to recoup their strength and rebel again. The Dutch should prevent the delivery of grain to the Dagang people. If this were done they could be vanquished. The Santiaogou kongsi then could take possession of their land and cooperate with the Dutch government (gongbanya 公班衙). They express their gratefulness in advance. The letter carries the seal of the kongsi (same as above).

     4. Letter dated 4 February 1852 from the Santiaogou kongsi to the (Pangeran) Ratoe (Laodu 嘮睹) promising to sell him a given piece of gold when the time comes to sell it on the market. This in reply to a request for reimbursement of the debt already mentioned in no. 2 here above.

     5. Undated letter from Lin Changsheng 林長生, Captain of Mandor to the Dutch Governor in Batavia (gongbanya dawang 公班衙大王). The letter carries the date “xu eryue chu er” 戌二月初二. Because the letter contains the remark that Lin Changsheng was made Captain in 1823, the “xu” year could be 1826, but more probably twelve years later, 1838. The letter explains that the Mandor (Lanfang) kongsi has recently fallen upon hard times, in the wake of natural disasters exacerbated by the bad health and poor guidance of the Jiatai. Now things have taken a turn for the better, so the Governor should not worry. According to the Chronicle of the Lanfang Kongsi, the Jiatai Gu Liubo, who reigned from 1837 to 1842, suffered ill health and had to battle the Dayaks of Landak. The letter probably refers to this period. Seal “Juhe Lin ji” 聚和林記 on the envelope.

     6. Undated letter from several Chinese headmen in Kundian 坤殿 ( Pontianak) to the Dutch Governor-General (Dawang) in Batavia reporting that Lord Beitu (see above) had been very successful in maintaining peace and order and that is was to be deplored that this able person had  now been recalled. As there were still many unruly elements, it would be more advisable to keep him stationed in Pontianak. The headmen would have accompanied him to Batavia, if the situation had allowed it. The letter is signed by Liu Taiyi 劉臺義, Liu Zhuanlun 劉傳倫 and Hu Lushi 胡祿仕, all unknown.

     7. Letter by the Heshun kongsi at Montrado to the Jiatai Guo Foyuan in Pontianak announcing that the kongsi will soon launch an offensive against the Dutch. The latter have already captured Sepang and it is to be feared that they will pose an ever-increasing threat to the kongsi in Montrado. Hence the declaration of war. The Jiatai is asked to heed this development and to act accordingly. The events referred to took place in 1853.

     8. Letter by a certain “Xianzheng” 顯政 (a personal name, the family name is not given) to his mother in Pontianak. It states that the writer had been sent on a mission to Sepang by the Montrado kongsi. He has since returned and all is well. His mother should not worry. He asks his mother to convey this news to the Jiatai Guo Foyuan (see letter above). The letter is written in excellent Chinese, in well-formed characters.     9. Invitation card dated 1853 from the Captain Huang Jin’ao of the Heshun kongsi addressed to his inaugural ceremony for a banquet at the headquarters (zongting)

      This is all I had been able to find at the moment of concluding the present study. As said in the Introduction, since then a seizable number of Chinese documents, especially documents concerning the kongsi war, have surfaced in the University Library. These have not been included except for the names and Chinese characters of personal and place names, which have integrated into the following Comparative Tables. No material that added significant new information was among them. Therefore, the few sources such as the Tale of Former Times, we have analysed hereabove, are extremely valuable, especially when used in conjunction with the far more abundant sources in Dutch.

Appendix 2

DUTCH OFFICIAL SOURCES

(manuscripts)

     Undoubtedly, the Dutch sources on the history of the kongsi in Borneo are relatively abundant and in many respects more detailed than whatever other texts we have at our disposal. The major part of these sources has never been published, but has been preserved in manuscript form. Official reports are the most numerous. They contain surveys of the general situation in West Borneo as well as more specialized reports on, for instance, military and financial operations. A special series consists of the diaries (Dagregisters) of the Dutch officials at Sambas and Pontianak. We also find numerous contracts, decrees, letters, maps etc. which emanated from the Dutch colonial government.

    I have not been able to study all the manuscript sources which exist. Especially those kept at the National Archives in Jakarta have remained unavailable to me. I have instead concentrated myself on the sources preserved in Holland, mainly at the Algemeen Rijksarchief (ARA, General State Archive) in The Hague and at the Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde (KITLV, Royal Institute for Linguistics and Anthropology) in Leiden. These sources are already very abundant and may, I hope, suffice to gain sufficient historical data for the purpose of the present work. It remains, however, my most profound wish one day to be able to study the documents preserved in Jakarta and publish them.

     The following list is not exhaustive but is limited to those documents I have actually studied, copied partially or in extenso and used in the present study. After verification of the original sources, I have also often relied on the studies of Veth, Kielstra and other Dutch writers, for the obvious reason that it was not necessary to do once more the documentary work they had already done so well. They are listed in chronological order.

1. J.H. Tobias “Rapport omtrent Borneo’s Westkust van 8 mei 1822” (Report on Borneo’s West Coast). ARA, 1814-1849, dossier Borneo, 3081.

     Tobias was the fourth Commissioner sent by the colonial government in its attempt to re-establish its power in the region. Having arrived in 1821, he set out to reconnoitre the territory of West Borneo and evaluate the different problems it presented. His report is the first general description from the physical as well as the political points of view, and subsequent writers, above all Veth, have made ample use of it. The Commissioner does not waste many words on the presence of the kongsis. In a few paragraphs he evokes their presence and their independent stance, in order to conclude that one of the first priorities for the Dutch is to bring them to heel.

2. J.H.Tobias “Verbaal van het gedane onderzoek en de verrigtingen van den kommissaris van Borneo betrekkelijk de Chinezen van Sambas” (Verbal of the Investigation and the Actions of the Commissioner of Borneo concerning the Chinese of Sambas), 1823. ARA, 1814-1849, dossier Borneo, 3081: 259-270.

     Tobias’ first concern was to establish colonial domination over the Chinese kongsis. Taking as a pretext the internal strife between some of them, he first appoints himself as a judge and jury, before attempting to cow them into submission. In order to implement this policy, Tobias called a series of meetings (“conferentiën”) with the leaders of the different Chinese associations from September 13, 1822, to May 11, 1823. Tobias also has an ally among the Chinese in the person of “Kapitein Chinees Sing Sang”, Zhu Fenghua, the former secretary and headman of the Heshun zongting. The present manuscript report gives a detailed account of the discussions between the parties and of the persons involved in them. As such, it is a most valuable report on the relationship between the kongsis and the Dutch as well as between themselves.

3. C.L. Hartmann “Register der handelingen en verrigtingen van de provisionele gezaghebber ter W-Borneo”(Register of the Acts and Measures by the Provisional Commander of West Borneo), 1823-1825, 43cm. 362 pages, KITLV, no. H438.

     This register begins on Monday May 26, 1823, until  August13, 1825. The first part scarcely mentions Chinese but at the end there are long texts enshrining the different decisions made with respect to the kongsis.

4. W.L. Ritter “Nota betrekkelijk de staat der Chinesche zaken voor den Kommissaris ter Westkuste Borneo’s “ (Note concerning the State of the Chinese Affairs Submitted to the Commissioner at Borneo’s West Coast).  34cm.168 pages. Dated  October 10, 1832, at Marianne’s Oord on the West Coast of Borneo. KITLV, no. H247.

     Ritter was Deputy Assistant-Resident at Sambas. This is an important and very detailed report on the Chinese, giving precise data on many settlements. The manuscript is faded and very difficult to read.

5. E. Francis “Nota omtrent het financieel bestuur der Residentie Westkust Borneo” (Note concerning the Financial Administration of the Government at Borneo’s West Coast), 1832, 67 pages. KITLV, no. H532.

     Francis was Commissioner (“Commissaris”) of West Borneo, and author of an important  article on the ethnology of the region. The present report gives a detailed account of the possible taxable items in the different parts of West Borneo, including a poll tax on each Dayak subject of one guilder year. At the end there is a provisional budget for the expenses incurred by the Dutch presence.

6. E. Francis  “Rapport over den afloop der zending van de kommissaris voor de westkust van Borneo in 1832” (Report on the Issue of the Mission of the Commoner for the West Coast of Borneo in 1832). ARA, 1814-1849, dossier Borneo, 3084: 34-37.

This report contains a text of sixteen pages concerning the Chinese in West Borneo. There is another manuscript wrote by Francis: “Rapport der zending van den kommissaris voor de westkust Borneo in 1832”, concerning the Chinese, it contains the same text. ARA, 1814-1849, dossier Borneo 3083: 8-9.

7. J. Haccoû  “Reizen door de Binnenlanden ter Westkust Borneo” (Travels through the Inland Regions of Borneo’s West Coast) , 1833, 35cm. 53 pages. KITLV, no. H.251.

     This is an unfinished manuscript relating the travels which the author undertook in 1830 under the guidance of Major H.A. Henrici, military commander in South Borneo. One map, presumably drawn by Haccoû, is added.

The route went from Pontianak inland to Ayermati, the land belonging to the Lanfang kongsi in Mandor. From there, the river was crossed into the region of Montrado, but presumably meeting hostile Chinese from the place called Kara, the expedition returned to Ayermati. After this trip Haccoû also went to Mampawa, but his report on that place is very brief. There is a more detailed description of Pontianak which does not concern us here. The fourth chapter, dedicated to a visit to Mandor, is unfinished and contains no more than a description of the journey to that kongsi.

Haccoû’s travels are mentioned by Veth, vol.2, pp. 476-478, and his travel account later was published in TNI, 3, Ser 1:2, 474-502, 1867.

8. J. Hageman  “Borneo, Westkust: Sambas, Pontianakh, Mampawa, Landakh”, 1850-1857, 33cm. 252 pages. KITLV, no. H25.

     Hageman was Registrar at West Borneo at the time. His collection contains some texts in Malay and also in Dutch by  [H.] Von Dewall concerning Pontianak, Landak, Mampawa, etc.

9. W.A. Berghuis  “Extract uit de nota betrekkelijk de operation tegen Singkawang, Mentrado enz.” (Extract from the Note concerning the Operation Against Singkawang, Mentrado etc.), 1854, 35cm. 36 pages. KILTV, no. H354.

     Berghuis was an officer (“stations-kommandant”) of the Dutch army stationed in West Borneo. His report is essentially about the military expeditions against the Chinese without him giving any consideration to the question of who his victims actually were.

10. W.A. Berghuis  “Nota betrekkelijk de aangelegenheden ter Westkust van Borneo in het jaar 1854” ( Note concerning the Affairs in the West Coast of Borneo in the Year 1854), 1854, 35cm. 20 pages. KILTV, no. H254.

     This document is of the same kind as the  preceding one.

11. H. von Dewall  “Opstand der Chinezen van Mentradoe, Westkust Borneo 1853-1854” (Rebellion of the Chinese of Montrado, West Coast Borneo), 35cm. 34 pages. Dated: Montrado 4 juli 1854. KILTV, no. H83.

     Von Dewall was administrator (“bestuursambtenaar”) at West Borneo. His report is a most detailed account of the organization of the Montrado kongsis and of their members, giving a wealth of details on the way the war was conducted on the Chinese side and by whom. We have drawn extensively on this document for our study.

12. H. von Dewall  “[Inlichtingen omtrent de politieke toestand van] Landakh [ingewonnen op mondelinge last van de waarnemend Resident in de Wester-afdeeling van Borneo]” (Information about the Political Situation of Landakh), 1854, 35cm. 33 pages. KILTV, no. H43.

     The report, made at the request of the Deputy Governor of West Borneo, contains no important new information of the Landak kongsi, which was a member of the Dagang federation. Included in the volume is a genealogy, in Malay, of the princes of Landak.
　

Appendix 3

THE TALE OF FORMER TIMES (先時故事)

      Let me tell you: formerly in Sambas, Montrado, and Lara there were seven kongsis which were named: the Dagang kongsi, the Kengwei kongsi, the Xin Shisifen kongsi, the Shiwufen kongsi, the Santiaogou kongsi, the Taihe kongsi, and the Manhe kongsi.

     Who would have expected the general rule, “when [something] is divided it must in the end unite, when something is united it must in the end fall apart” [to ring true?].

     It should be mentioned that after the Santiaogou kongsi fled from Montrado to go elsewhere, there still remained four kongsis: Dagang, Kengwei, Xinwu, and Manhe in the region of Montrado. Whenever there was any celebration, the four kongsis used to congregate together. If there were any difficulties, all of them gave their support. Therefore no barbarian could descry our intentions.

     Afterwards, between the seventh and eight month of the cyclical year dingyou of the Daoguang period (1837), the Kengwei kongsi and the Xinwu kongsi rose jointly in rebellion. They talked secretly over the matters in the mine-house of the Kengwei kongsi, and pledged their allegiance before Heaven. Kengwei argued that:

     “We could build a large water reservoir and open a new mine at Xie’e in Kulor. This move is in order to avoid future problems. If the Dagang kongsi were to build this reservoir and mine before we do, they would attract more and more people, this could turn out to be a disaster. Because there are many places which have been brought under the sway of Dagang, like Singkawang, Yanding, Sedau, Baxi, Xinnan, Luxiaheng. [If this were to happen to Xie’e] our people would no longer be able to resist Dagang at a later date.”

     The Xinwu kongsi agreed with everything that Kengwei said. Therefore together they sacrificed a cock and swore an oath before Heaven and the gods, saying: “If luck should befall us, we shall share it all; if trouble should be met, we shall have to shoulder it by offering each other help to the utmost of our ability.”

     Then they ordered all their people to come together in order to discuss the matter. Each appointed a commander-in-chief 正總令 and a field-marshal 大總帥. Also each of the two kongsis at their respective places had a recruiting officer 調兵官 and a quarter-master 調糧官. The vanguard commander of the army had also already been chosen. All these matters being thus arranged, they now just waited for an auspicious day to start the military operations. 

     But who would have thought that just when the conspiracy was plotted, it was discovered by the Dagang kongsi. It called up and gathered all of its elders, the laoke (old inhabitants of Chinese origin) of the bazaar, and the owners of the arrack distilleries, the gambling houses, the opium shops, and the blacksmiths to go to the zongting in order to discuss this serious matter.

     At this time, Wen Guanshou was captain [of the zongting]. There were four tingzhus representing its four kongsis. On the spot in the ting they thoroughly deliberated the matter, and said:

     “We are here to discuss the matter of the reservoir at Xie’e [in Kulor]. If we want to know what is all about, then the captain, the tingzhus, and the laokes will have to go to the Xinwu kongsi to get matters straight.” The captain and the others set off to the Xinwu kongsi immediately. They sent a message to the Kengwei kongsi to summon its people to come to Xinwu. Then they held the following midachalao 嘧大查嘮 (deliberation):

     The Dagang kongsi says,  “Our three kongsis have always been as friendly as brothers. Up to now we have always had peaceful relations, and never any conflict. Who would have guessed that such a troublesome affair might arise? The land of  Xie’e in Kulor belongs to the Kengwei kongsi, and our people were not allowed to build a reservoir on this land. Because of this our two kongsis have become enemies. If the captain were to go and destroy this reservoir himself, the peace between our kongsis may be restored. If he does not do so, I am afraid  there will be war soon.”

     The captain went to Xie’e immediately. He set off from Baxi, passed Bajiaoting, and went back to Montrado. He later called for an assembly meeting [in the Heshun zongting], and discussed [the matter] as follows:

     “We should send 200 soldiers from Singkawang, Yanding, and Kulor to be stationed at Pangkalan Batu. We should build a stockade there on a high terrace for the purpose of guarding the mine-house of Kengwei. This is to be our main force. We should appoint a commander-in-chief immediately, choose an auspicious day [for him] to go [to Pangkalan Batu] and to station himself there. Afterwards we shall ask the headmen and the caiku of the Kengwei and the Xinwu kongsi to come to the Heshun zongting to settle the matter. If we use this tactic, we shall strike them successfully.”

     When everything had been settled, they ordered an eloquent person to deliver a letter to these two kongsis. When the messenger arrived at the Xinwu kongsi, and he had had some tea, he handed the letter to them. They opened it at the kongsi house of  Xinwu. It read:

This is the moment when the Vermilion Energies are retiring, and autumn is welcomed at the water gates. These are the days when the winds of the metal (element] are starting to blow, and summer is departing from our villages near the lakes. As time flows by, the bonds remain, we think of our neighbours and of past events. Respectfully we remember your noble kongsis who first offered wine in libation to the mountains and valleys. And you continue to exploit this earth until the present period. The mutual peaceful relations between the high and the lowly, are worthy of the times of Yao 堯 and Shun 舜. The way Chinese and foreigners live here under our governance is not unlike the ruling of the Middle (kingdom] and the foreign countries. Our dearest wish is that your noble kongsis flourish today as they did in the past and that the prospects of the future all as bright as in the beginning, and that as soon as you have received the present letter, your noble kongsis will direct their esteemed heels to the zongting for deliberations on some affairs of our district. Our concern is to uphold the great statutes inspired by the principles of the Land of Tang (China) and do not let the bare-breasted (indigenous people) look down upon us. As we have enjoyed a long-standing harmonious relationships for a long time, we should not let internecine strife harm us. This letter does not tell all there is to say, and what is said does not exhaust our good intentions. Earnestly we salute you from afar and present this before your two Kengwei and Xinwu kongsis

      After they had read the letter, the Xinwu kongsi sent it to the Kengwei kongsi. After reading the letter, four members of the Kengwei kongsi went to the Xinwu kongsi to discuss the matter. The Xinwu kongsi began by saying:

     “In the letter we received yesterday, the Dagang kongsi asks our two kongsis to attend a conference at the Heshun zongting in Montrado to discuss matters of general concern. What does your kongsi think about it?”

    The representatives of the Kengwei kongsi answered:

     “If we do not agree to go to [the zongting], they will suspect that our two kongsis have ulterior motives. We are of the opinion that we really should go.”

     “If this is the case, let us then go immediately, so as to dispel all their doubts”, said the Xinwu kongsi.

     Eight people were selected as representatives of the Kengwei kongsi and the Xinwu kongsi to go to the Heshun zongting. The captain and tingzhus received them. All sat down in the proper order and tea was served. After this the Kengwei and the Xinwu kongsis said:

     “May we ask why your kongsi and the captain have summoned our two kongsis into your presence and what matters are to be discussed? “

    The captain answered:

     “It is only because of one small matter which concerns all our three kongsis, that we have sent this special invitation to your two kongsis.”

     Next day the captain asked the Dagang kongsi to call the elders, as well as the [owners of] the arrack distilleries, the gambling places, the opium dens, and the blacksmiths, the shop-keepers and, the laoke in the bazaar of Montrado to come to the zongting for a discussion. When all were assembled in the ting, after the formalities of exchanging greetings had been completed, everyone sat down in the proper order. After drinking and smoking, the captain started by saying:

     “Today the kongsis of Kengwei and Xinwu have come. If anyone of you has any knowledge of this matter [of the building of the reservoir], then speak out frankly, but do not say anything that is unfounded.”

     Then the Dagang kongsi said:

     “We have been on friendly terms ever since our kongsis started to exploit Montrado. Under the sway [of the zongting] no conflicts have emerged. Who would have guessed that the Jielian and the Xin Bafen kongsis would start a rebellion, and that this angered the other kongsis which became very angry and fought them. The Will of Heaven bestowed its fortune upon us, and therefore Jielian was routed and Xin Bafen was dispersed, and our seven kongsis have lived in peace for a long time. But in the second year of the Daoguang period, the cyclical year of renwu (1822), the Santiaogou kongsi fled in the dead of night for no reason at all, and brought on a war that was to last for a number of years. Then our four kongsis fought Santiaogou until the sixth or seventh month of the cyclical year of guiwei (1823). Then the Santiaogou kongsi was defeated and moved to Sepang and other places. Our four kongsis divided the land of Lara into four parts. After this we enjoyed peace again. At present, in the cyclical year of dingyou (1837), there are no grounds for the Kengwei and the Xinwu kongsis to conspire against us [the Dagang kongsi]. Can your people give a clear explanation of what is going on?”

     The Kengwei and the Xinwu kongsis answered as follows:

     “Your kongsi should not listen to the rumours spread by others. If you do, only Heaven will know our true intentions. If you do not believe us, let us take a solemn oath before Heaven, so that your great kongsi may be convinced.”

     After this, all of the laoke stated that – because of their earnest appeal – they did not consider it possible that the two kongsis were planning such hostile acts. But then the captain replied: “Suppose that the rumours are true – how are we to deal with them!”

     He ordered his men to arrest the eight delegates of the two kongsis and to put them in a cell, forbidding anyone to a approach it. Immediately after this the captain withdrew from the ting. A new assembly would be arranged later. The people of the Dagang kongsi went back to their homes and talked about this event.

     It was held on the eighth day of the ninth month of the cyclical year dingyou (1837).

     Later, when the news was spread among the Kengwei and the Xinwu kongsis, they all became very frightened and there was nothing they could do about it.

     Thereafter the people of the Dagang kongsi discovered that the Shiwufen ( Fuyuan ¸£Ô´) kongsi set fire to the forest on the area of the mine. At noon, the fire flared high up towards heaven and smoke filled the air. Someone went to the Dagang kongsi and informed them that the kongsi house of Fuyuan had been burned down by the people of Kengwei and Xinwu, and asked Dagang to come and help them. When the Dagang kongsi heard this, they became very angry and issued the order to gather an army against the enemy. The general brought his Commander’s Banner and ordered his troops to station themselves immediately at the end of the main street. He then sent some of his men to find out the truth. But after this someone came to him and informed him that the cause was the Fuyuan kongsi itself  had set the forest on fire. Thereupon hearing this all the war chiefs and soldiers returned home.

     Then the Dagang kongsi went to the zongting, and discussed what had happened with the captain. They entered the cell and ordered the delegates of the Xinwu kongsi to write a letter to the mine of Xinwu: “All of your gunpowder, flintlocks and other weapons should be delivered to the ting. The possession of three pieces of ordnance ´óï¥ is allowed for use during the feasts of the gold harvest.”

     On the fourteenth day of the ninth month, when the people of Xinwu had brought their weapons to the Heshun zongting, the four men from the Xinwu kongsi were released from the cell. They were told: “You may go home now, and continue to work hard in the mine. But do not oppose us again, and do not listen to the conspiratorial talk of others. In this way we have repaired the damage and we shall live in peace as we used to do.”

     The four men of Kengwei were also released. The Dagang kongsi instructed them as follows: “You may go back now. You must let your people take good care of their work and obligations, so that you may all enjoy peace. Do not let others use you for their plots. Do not oppose us again. Let the relations between our kongsis be good again, as they always used to be.”

     When the men of two kongsis had departed, Dagang issued a proclamation to put the minds of the people at ease. Dagang did, however, forget to call back the guards at the stronghold at Pangkalan Batu. When [they saw those eight men return home,] they fired their guns with loud blasts and bangs, sounded the battle-horn and beat the battle-drums. The Kengwei kongsi was frightened by this incident. Their people were terrified [by the noise] and they started to cry and to yell. Their women and children cried and lamented, creating a great clamour. In the starlit night they all packed their things and the entire kongsi fled away. When they reached Pangkalan Batu, they went for the territory of the Lanfang kongsi, some travelling by boat, and some overland.

     Hereafter the Kengwei kongsi sent a letter to [their kongsi at] Lara, stating:

“All of our people who have stayed in the land of the Dagang kongsi should follow our kongsi and bring with them the xianghuo of Dabogong and take flight to the territory of Lanfang. Before we may make any strategic decisions, our kongsi will live here for a while. Heed this order!”

     When the Kengwei kongsi received the letter at Salinse [in Lara], its people were very frightened. They packed their belongings, and wanted to run away at the dead of night. They gathered to enter the tuku 土庫 and argued with the clerk (caiku) of  the kongsi, Wu Jinlai 吳進來, about dividing the gold and silver among the people so they could use it in their flight.

     The caiku was overpowered by the people. He said: “If any of you dares to, he should take a weapon this night and go to a high terrace along the road to Xiawu to construct a stockade. Then occupy the bazaar and capture the owners and seize the goods of those shops in the bazaar belonging to the people of the Dagang kongsi. Keep a sharp lookout for people, and do not allow anyone to break the news to [Dagang]. After this dispatch your soldiers to construct a stockade at Gunung Penaring along the way to Montrado, and station them there! Afterwards, you may send a letter to Mandor asking all the people of the Kengwei kongsi to come to the kongsi house of Salinse. If the people of the Dagang kongsi living in Xiawu learn about this, they will grow sore afraid. You shall then get back to your own land! It will be very hard to remain united if you people do not trust my words!”

The people replied that if he wanted them to do what he said, he had to divide the money among them first.

     Who would have known that this clerk, Wu Jinlai, had already sent twenty taëls of gold to Dagang with a paper requesting their permission to accept his submission, for he had realized beforehand that something might happen the like of which happened this day.

    Towards the evening of the eighteenth of the ninth month of the cyclical year of dingyou (1837) Dagang ordered thirteen men to proceed to Daqiaotou 大橋頭 in order to ask Wu Jinlai to come to Dagang. Wu Jinlai was unable to escape until midnight, because some armed people of the Kengwei kongsi guarded him well. Knowing that he could not escape, Wu Jinlai produced another trick. He raised his voice and yelled: “You brothers please listen to me: if you do not agree with my first plan, the only thing you can do is to send a letter with presents to Lanfang kongsi at Mandor in order to ask them to help you and give you a place where you may find a refuge later on. What do you people think about that? “

     The people agreed that this was a good scheme. They asked Mister Yu Wu to write a letter. Six men then took the letter, together with four taëls of gold and two pairs of golden rings weighing one taël each, to the ting of the Lanfang kongsi. They presented their gifts to the Jiatai of the Lanfang kongsi, Gu Liu. Gu Liu then read the letter, which ran as follows:

A letter from the Kengwei kongsi, respectfully written and submitted to His Excellency the Great Jiatai Gu of the Honorable Lanfang kongsi.

Since the past many years, our humble kongsi has encountered great difficulties. We were a weak country to begin with and then came the disasters of war; on several occasions we were the objects of your kind solicitude and thus were saved more than once. We have had no opportunity to repay you, and every time we thought and asked ourselves about this, we found that we were ashamed to face your honorable kongsi. What to do? Without being prepared for it, misfortune has again beset us. The hearts of our kongsi were by no means engaged in any bad schemes. Also the Xinwu kongsi had absolutely no intention to rebel. Who would have thought that the Dagang kongsi was too distrustful, and ended up by saying that our two kongsis were fomenting revolt. They never thought about the fact that we were close like hand and feet. Our humble kongsi thought that we would not heed these uncivil slanders. How could we have foreseen that they would start to act violently and would take away the guns and gunpowder of Xinwu and also that they would imprison the leaders of our two kongsis. They also began by taking up arms against us and besieged us. As we have thus sadly become the victim of their treacherous stratagems, therefore our people could only flee to your esteemed territory. Today we turn to you with the request that your honorable kongsi will consider the possibility to extend its benevolent care to us. We also respectfully hope that you may in our place engage in discussions [with Dagang] so that the great principles [of good relationships] may not get lost. The people of our humble kongsi depend on the prestige and high reputation of your esteemed kongsi. Then the humble populace of our kongsi will find a second lease on life. Already for a long time we have enjoyed your compassion and we will forever cherish your boundless favors. This very meagre gift is sent along to show our sincereness. We hope you will not disdain it, and consider it as an honor if you do not throw it away.

For discreet perusal by the Great Jiatai of the Lanfang kongsi. the eighth day of the ninth month of the dingyou year (7 October 1837)

    When the Jiatai had read the letter, he thought: “It is very difficult to solve this matter. Now, they have only got small piece of land left in Lara, because their mine house in Montrado has already been destroyed. How can we help them? There is a saying: if the bird’s nest has been destroyed, what will become of the eggs? ” He therefore returned the presents to the messengers, and also did not give them a letter of reply.

     The caiku of Salinse, Wu Jinlai, had used this ruse in order to stop the people from watching and following him attentively. His ruse did however fail, and he was unable to flee to the Dagang kongsi. In the end he took the money and scattered it on the ground. Everyone wanted to pick it up, thinking of nothing else. In the chaos that ensued Wu Jinlai seized his chance to escape. From the main road he ran to the bazaar. Afterwards, some ten men grabbed their knives and pursued him closely, because they thought he still had gold on him. Near Daqiaotou, there were many people of the Dagang kongsi who had gathered beforehand to wait for Wu Jinlai. When they saw Wu coming with the men following him close on his heels, they fired their guns. When the men in pursuit heard the guns resound, they were frightened to death, and fled back [to Salinse]. Thereupon Wu Jinlai followed the men of Dagang to the bazaar.

     The people of Dagang guarding the road before the bazaar, however, hearing the hubbub at midnight, thought that the Kengwei kongsi was about to occupy the bazaar. They fired their guns all at once and started to shout loudly. Within the bazaar (Bengkayang), gunfire was heard, and everyone – old and young, women, and children – was frightened. Amidst this confused crying and screaming, the crowd picked up their belongings and their children, and ran to the main road of Xiawu. Suddenly the bazaar was empty.

     When they reached the Zhongyingzha 中營柵 at Bayan 把演, someone shouted  from behind them:

     “Do not be scared! You people return home immediately! It is not the Kengwei kongsi which has come to disturb the night, but the clerk, Wu Jinlai. He has escaped from Kengwei to join our kongsi. You may go back quickly! The people of the Kengwei kongsi in Salinse have fled away. All the land now belongs to us! There is a host of goods belonging to the Kengwei kongsi left at Salinse. Go and take what you want!”

     Next day, the nineteenth of the ninth month, the Dagang kongsi of Xiawu (in Lara) appointed Wen Xi 溫習 as Field-Marshal, Fang Qiang 房牆 as Assistant-Marshal, Zhou Jian 周健 as Commander-in-Chief . They were ordered to raise 225 soldiers and station them at the mine house of the Kengwei kongsi, to guard it carefully at night lest the Kengwei people turned back. An announcement was posted to reassure the people. Then the Kengwei kongsi was dispelled.

     On the twenty-eighth of the ninth month, the Dagang kongsi of Montrado and Lara celebrated festivities with theatrical performances to give thanks to the God and arranged a grand banquet in honour of the people who had participated in the war (zuo taiping yan 做太平筵). Afterwards, peasants, craftsmen, and miners each resolved to resume their work.

    At the beginning of the third month of the cyclical year sihai (1839), the Xinwu kongsi considered that unlucky times had befallen them, because the people of Montrado did not seem to want to be united. They agreed to leave Montrado to look for a suitable place to settle themselves. They learned that Baluo 把羅 was a place full of gold, which was at the same time wide and flat. Before they should make a decision, they should investigate whether it would really be suitable. They decided that they would send some people with presents and money to Guda cheng 古打城 (the city of Sambas) to visit the sultan of Sambas and ask for his permission. As a result ten people went to Guda to visit the sultan. The sultan was glad to see them and offered them tea. He then asked, “What has your kongsi come to discuss? “ The Xinwu kongsi answered:

     “Unlucky times have befallen to the mountain land of Montrado. The people are opposed to one another. The Dagang kongsi brings continuous pressure to bear on our kongsi and on the Kengwei kongsi. It censures us for joining in a rebellion. In the past there were seven kongsis that swore mutual loyalty before Heaven. All the kongsis would be friends. In case of trouble they would support each other. But now [Dagang] has broken the solemn oath, and has employed a tactic in order to seize our weapons in the kongsi house of Dagang. It also has expelled the Kengwei kongsi. Can such unreasonable conduct be tolerated? Now the Kengwei kongsi has been driven away, and it has become more difficult for our little kongsi to live in Montrado. Our territory is limited and our population scared. Therefore we have come to your Dalam to ask your favour for opening up the land of Baluo, so that our people may be preserved. If we get your permission, our kongsi and our people will repay your kindness with their deeds, and not forget it.”

    When the sultan had heard them, he spoke hesitantly:

     “All your kongsis in the interior have come from Tangbang 唐邦 (China) to make their fortune. Why do you continually make enemies among yourselves and why do you not gather in one place of your own?  But, given the circumstances, I will allow your kongsi to open up the land of Baluo.”

     Next day the sultan ordered Pangeran Somadjaja and his men to bring along some Dayaks. They were to take ten people from the Xinwu kongsi to Baluo in a large boat to reconnoitre the location. After a journey of two or three days they reached the land of Baluo, and anchored the boat. The next day the Dayaks showed them around to look for a good site. The land was flat, with big trees and many small streams flowing into the larger rivers. They considered it was a fitting site to establish a settlement.

     After they had finished their investigations, they returned to Sambas along the rivers. The men of the Kengwei kongsi went with Pangeran Somadjaja to see the sultan. They told him: “ We have already chosen a location. In the fourth or fifth month of next year, our kongsi will certainly bring our people to come and cultivate Baluo. We beg your kindness and help. Our people will never forget your favour! “

     The sultan was glad to hear this. He agreed to everything they said. On the second day the kongsi made its farewells to the sultan and returned to Montrado. After they got back, many headmen, laoke etc. gathered in the mine house of the Xinwu kongsi. They told the people what had happened: the place at Baluo had already been chosen, and the sultan was pleased to agree to everything they had asked for. After listening to the news, some people replied: “Because of your efforts, everything has now been settled. This is a great contribution to our kongsi and our people. We should send some people to Baluo to build several longhouses first. Then we can select an auspicious day to move there.” Everyone agreed with this suggestion.

     Later on the weather between the third and fourth month was agreeable. It was decided to set the date of departure. After asking their god, they chose the second day of the fourth month of the cyclical year sihai (1839). Just before they left, they sent someone to the Dagang kongsi and the captain of the zongting to say farewell. On the first day of fourth month, they asked the cult of Dabogong to come with them, and packed up their things. There were more than 700 people of together. They borrowed two large and three small boats from the sultan. At about ten o’clock in the morning of the second day, after having fired nine gunshots, they set forth with the kongsi and the cult of Dabogong. They reached Singkawang on the third day. They stayed here overnight. On the morning of the fourth day they said good-bye to the zhazhu of Singkawang, having fired three gunshots, and left directly for Baluo. It is said:

To go far away means that the road to come is long;

The time to part comes easily, but how difficult it is to find a time to meet again!

      (去路既遙來路遠﹐別時容易見時難)

     When the Dagang kongsi heard that the Xinwu kongsi was taking its leave, it was very content. Now all the land fell under its authority. It sent 125 men to work the mines of Kengwei and Xinwu respectively. It also put up an announcement, stating that if there were any people of those two kongsis left, they should not worry. The Dagang kongsi would treat them as its own people. No member of Dagang was allowed to disturb them. Should anyone dare to do so, he would be punished by law.

     In this way security was re-established. The people applied themselves to their own duties, and enjoyed a peaceful life together. After several years the mines of the Dagang kongsi flourished, and peasants and traders had also made great strides.

     Toward the ninth of the tenth month of the cyclical year xinchou (1841), the Dayaks in Xipai and Sanxi of Lara district launched a riot of killing. There were Chinese houses in the lonely forests, and when the people walked along the paths they were often killed by the Dayaks. Eventually, the people did not dare to walk abroad any longer. When the Dagang kongsi heard this, its people grew very angry. If these beastly Dayaks were not all killed, the Chinese could not stay there peacefully! The war chiefs were ordered to go to the village of Xipai with 250 soldiers and take up their quarters at the distillery. Then they sent a letter to the great Shangwu kongsi of Montrado, asking for an army in order to catch the malevolent Dayaks.

Appendix 4

Rhapsody on My Travels to Gold Mountain (游金山賦)

by  Luo Fangbo

Ever since I heard about the beauty of Gold Mountain,

My heart has yearned for this place.

Although it belongs to the regions of the Southern Barbarians,

Its confines are yet within the lands of the Southern Seas.

The year when the cycle attained renchen,

It was in the tenth month,

I boarded a ship and departed at the harbour of Humen,

The direction of those traveling South turned due East.

Hand in hand, assembled together,

Friends and relatives, we were a hundred in number.

All in the same ship, we assisted each other,

As the entire visible world vanished from sight.

At that moment I said to myself:

When I boarded the ship at Humen and departed,

I was sure that I would end up visiting the Sea Dragon’s palace!

And soon  faraway  horizons  and   the  vast  skies  above,  opened  my  senses  to  the    boundlessness of the universe.

Underneath us no more earth to sustain us: It  seemed  that  only  a  road  through  the   clouds could help us to attain our destiny.

Like a leaf fluttering in the wind, flying ten thousand li

Good to make it in one stretch, making fine use of this sustained [favourable] wind.

And then when we entered a small creek, the boatswain said: “We’ve reached Gold      Mountain!”

All I saw was a river full of red water, [skirted by] a long stretch of embarkments.

Trees packed closely together in deep forests,

Tiny the waves over islets in shallow waters.

It seemed to be the immortals’ cave Peach Spring, an immortal’s cave

Then I thought it must be a dwelling among willows, a house in the hills.

The [river’s] banks are vaguely visible, the blueish sheen of a multitude of mountain        peaks melting into the azure [of the sky],

A solitary peak rises in its lonely glory, the aspect of the mountains around it is  equally splendid on all sides.

A few trees in the setting sun,

A rill of autumn water.

When the moon has just begun to rise,

On all sides the cries of monkeys sound.

Nowhere is heard the flute of the cow-herd or the song of the wood-gatherer,

Where can one find a lofty man or a recluse?

Where the mountains come to an end and the river as well, the murmuring stream     moves my heart,

In the shade of the willow blossoms shine bright and the cluck-clucking of chicken fills my ears.

Now, this place lies in the tropical zone,

The sun fills the air with humid, steaming vapours.

The vegetation really knows no seasons here,

In the matters of man an alteration from old to new is natural.

Yellow gold its earth produces,

Treasure stones come forth from the mountains.

To make a living in this place

One needs to work under great sufferings.

Although it is said that every man needs to use up all his strength, in fact it also        depends on the productivity of transformation.

That things are all called by different names

And the Chinese and the foreigners speak entirely different tongues:

shaliao is [what we call] “a straw hut”

bali is [what we call] “a golden lake”.

Here a cliff, there a mountain –

High up and low down the facilities are all the same

Men carrying burdens and carrying things on their backs

They come and go, despite their wealth, on foot.

Ah, phew! 

In the small hours of the night under the starry skies

Stars and dew fill the view, how easily they take each others’ place.

In the early morning and in the dusk of evening we wash ourselves and bathe

[Because] the rain and sweat pour down on our bodies in streams.

The youlang sways on our chest,

Just when they’re separated, they come together again;

The guazi are dimly visible on the bottom of the river,

they want to go, but still remain.

We hope for an increased harvest of yellow gold

And long for an abundant income of white silver.

So good!  Silver is gathered in abundance.

I am a man of only few talents,

The fierceness of my willpower carries me far.

My work is hard, as I live by my tongue,

to toil at the ink-slab, that is the field I till.

I am ashamed of not having the capital to engage in trade,

Regret not to be a renowned scholar or a lofty master.

Employed as a teacher in this foreign land, the years and months go by without any  meaning,

I hurry along the road – when the time to return arrives I shall bundle up [my possessions] forthwith.

Forced to become a trader, I am unafraid to wander ten thousand li

But as the family is poor, my parents old,

I always am sad that this guest country is at three thousand li distance [from them].

Thus over these encircling waters and white clouds,

I keep my hope alive from morning till night,

That one day the fortune of my family will be made

so that we can enjoy a carefree life in peace and abundance.

Alas! in this barbarian dwelling under torrential rains,

my body wastes away under heavy toils.

Did I not wish then to emulate [the Earl of] Dingyuan? [4]

What pleasure can I find in comparison with a high court official![5]

me going to this far place, changing my country,

I who originally wanted to become as rich as Sir Taozhu![6]

Now, having climbed to this high place to compose this rhapsody,

it truly has become the expression of the emotions of a poet.

Hence I have made the following song:

Here I stand high, on the loftiest top of ten-thousand mountains,

Black clouds and rain encircle me on all sides,

Among this great scenery of mountains and waters,

I cannot but weep at all these wasted years!

Appendix 5

THE RECORDS OF THE MARITIME ARCHIPELAGO 海錄) 

by  Xie Qinggao

(passages related to West Borneo)

Gudaguo 咕噠國 is, I suppose, what in the ancient records is called “Jawa” [Java] [7]. It is situated in the sea south-east of Jianbilan shan. There is another large mountain there, which meanders off in a south-easterly direction. It is several thousand li long. Several countries lie next to it. Some call it Xili dashan. This [Gudaguo] is one of the countries lying to the north-west [of this mountain]. With a favourable wind it can be reached in two or three days’ sailing south-eastwards from Jianbilan. The king (ruler) lives in a town. It is guarded by Dutch barbarian soldiers. With favourable winds Shangouwang (i.e. Singkawang) can be reached with a small boat, purchased at the town, in a one-day journey over the sea in a north-westerly direction. At this locality people from Yue [Guangdong] are engaged in trade and agriculture. Going over land from here Sanfa [i.e. Sambas], or Dalalu [i.e. Montrado], can be reached by a one-day journey in a south-easterly direction. Its mountains contain a lot of gold. Among the mountains in the interior are mountains called Lala [i.e. Lara], Xibang [i.e. Sepang], and also Wuluo [i.e. Budok] and Xinnili. All of them produce gold. However, the gold of Xibang is the finest. All these localities belong to Gudaguo.

Basaguo 吧薩國, also known as Nanbawa [Mampawa], is situated south-east of Guda. With a favourable wind it can be reached over the sea in slightly more than one day. Its earth does not produce gold. The Chinese dwelling here live by agriculture alone. Among the areas belonging to it is Songbogang [i.e. Penyu]. It produces the finest rattan. It is also guarded by Dutch soldiers.

Kundianguo 昆甸國 [Pontianak] is situated southeast of Basa[guo]. With a favorable wind it can be reached over the sea in slightly more than one day. Its port is guarded by Dutch soldiers. All ocean-going ships moor at its harbour. If one buys a small boat here, and enters the inland waterways, after about five li, it divides into a northern and a southern river. The capital of the king of this country is situated here. After a journey of about one day in a north-easterly direction along the northern river, one reaches the harbour at Wanla [i.e. Landak]. Here [at Pontianak] the Kapuas River joins the Wanla [Landak] River, flowing from the south-east. After another day’s journey Dongwanli [i.e. Mandor] is reached. Several score of li to the north-east lies Shalaman [i.e. Senaman]. At all these localities Chinese pan for gold.

     During the Qianlong period, Luo Fangbo from Yue [Guangdong] traded here. He had a chivalric nature. He was a master of the martial arts. He was much liked by the people. At the time the local barbarians [i. e. Dayaks] often rebelled. This was a cause for anxiety for traders. Fangbo lead their troops many times and subdued the former. The people were also plagued by crocodiles. The king [of Pontianak] was not able to control them. Fangbo built an altar on the seacoast, laid out sacrifices, read out the sacrificial text of Han Changli [8], read it out loud and burned it. The crocodiles fled. Both the Chinese and barbarians held him in awe. They honoured him as the Leader of the Guest People. When he died they built a temple and continued to honour him. Up to the present time he still enjoys their meat-offerings. 

Wanlaguo 萬喇國 [Landak] lies in the mountains east of Kundian. Entering Wanla harbour from Kundian north river it can be reach by boat in eight or nine days. The mountains contain many diamonds. It is also guarded by Dutch barbarian soldiers.

Daiyanguo 戴燕國 [Tayan] lies south-east of Kundian. After a zigzag journey of  seven or eight days from Kundian [Pontianak] upstream along the southern river one reaches Shuangwendu 雙文肚, which belong to the territory of Daiyan. The capital is reached after a few days’ travel. At the end of the Qianlong era (1736-1795) it had a very cruel king. Because of the unhappiness of the people, Wu Yuansheng from Yue killed him. The people then elected him as their ruler. Both Chinese and barbarians had their disputes settled by him. When Yuansheng died, his son was still [too] young. His wife succeeded him. This has remained so until the present day.

Xie’aoguo 卸敖國 [Sanggau] lies south-east from Daiyan. It can be reached in seven or eight days’ traveling upstream along the inland rivers of Daiyan.

Xindangguo 新當國 [Sintang] lies south-east of Xie’ao. To get here from Xie’ao, one also travels along the inland rivers. It is a journey of five or six days. I have heard it said, that if one travels further upstream from here, one reaches the summit of Xili shan, and that there live wild people there with a bird’s head and a human body.

[On the stretch] from Daiyan up to the summit gold is produced everywhere. The higher [one goes uphill] the finer the gold. However, the road is long, and only very few people get there. Therefore not much of its gold is won yearly.

From Guda to Wanla is one stretch of mountain ranges the one succeeding the other. They are connected by a land road. Here normally several tens of thousands of people from Min  [Fujian] and Yue pan for golddust and diamonds, and they are engaged in trade and agriculture. Daiyan, Xie’ao, and Xindang, each also have a population of a several hundred. They come and go as they please, without any restriction. Only the locality where one lives at a certain year is taken into consideration, the poll tax due is handed over to the Headman of the Guest People of this locality, who [in his turn] hands it over to the Dutch. The passenger-tax (dentoujin 登頭金) of its ocean ships is also collected by the Dutch. Its king only allowed the Dutch to collect the taxes. He did not dare to levy them from the foreign traders himself.

For a number of generations may Chinese have taken [indigenous] wives and had children by them. Their women are licentious. They do not know modesty or shame. Only in their clothes, food and drink do they [still] slightly resemble Chinese.

The indigenous barbarians are all of the Malay race. They consider a year to consist of twelve months. They do not know any intercalary months. At the end of each year all people in the land, whether rich or poor, old or young, are forbidden to cook [their food] for one month.[9] During the day they just close the door and rest. Only in the quiet of the night do they light fire and prepare food, reciting their scriptures (經) until the break of day. Their voices are very mournful. Normally they worship once in every seven days. The king of the land also acts thus. They build a separate hall of worship. When the time has arrived, the king and those chiefs who hold office, assemble therein. The king is seated on a dais. The assembled chiefs sit in rows beneath him. They recite their scriptures all day long and thereupon they disperse.

The people live mostly in houses made of wooden boards, three storeys high. They restrict their girls in a very austere manner. When they are seven or eight years old, they put them in a pigeonloft [high room]. They order them to learn needlework. At the age of thirteen or fourteen they choose a husband. But it must be that boy and girl select each other. If it is against their liking, their parents cannot force them [into marriage]. On the night of the wedding, the main room of the house where they live is made into the bedroom of the groom. The parents and brothers of the girl all sleep in the front room. If the girl is not a virgin, the groom sometimes kills her on the spot. And sometimes he also kills her parents and brother, leaves, and there is nobody who dares to take revenge. In the room of man and wife [married couple] there is no coverlet [bed-spread]. They only enveloped in a cotton cloth of more than one zhang 丈 [ten feet] in length, or they use [pieces of] silk, which they sew together. Therein they have intercourse and sleep together [face to face]. All their lives they do not sleep back to back. Their daughters do not marry Chinese [either], because they do not eat pork, and are afraid to act against their belief.

When their men go to sea to trade, they take all their possessions. Their wives and children remain at home. They only leave a small amount of food (provisions). When the boat returns, they send a messenger to announce this at their home. Their wife must come to the ship in person to welcome them, only then will they return home. If their wives do not come, they assume that they have discarded them, and they will forthwith hoist the sails and be gone, never again to return in their lives.

As to the sarong 沙郎 and the scarves 水幔 that they wear, poor people have them made of cotton, while the rich have them made of Chinese silks, which have colourful patterns woven into them. The finest and thinnest [silks] are considered the most valuable.

The daughters of their king do not intermarry with [the class of] officials or commoners. They are only married to their brothers.

The king calls himself “yagu” (in Malay aku), whereas his subjects call him “duangu” (tuanku), whereas address the brothers, uncles and nephews of the king also with “duangu” (tuanku), but they add the personal name of the person to this [title]. Sons call there father “bobo” (bapak) and their mother “ni” (bi); the younger brother calls his elder brother “yawang” (abang), and the latter calls his junior “yale” (adik). They call women “bulanpang” (perempuan) and girls “balapang”. Wives call their husband “liju” (laki), and husbands call their wives “mini” (bini). A man calls his own son “yaniliju” (anak laki) and his married daughters “yanibulanpang” (anak perempuan). When they are unmarried, these are called “yanibalapang”. Nephews and grandsons are called “jiujiang” (cucu). Elder sisters are called “yawang” (abang) in the same way as elder brothers, and to these is added “bulanpang” (perempuan) or “balapang” according to whether they are married or not. Younger sisters are called “xiele” and the same term is used for younger brothers, and the term “bulanpang” and “balapang” are affixed to it in the same way as above. “You” is “lu” (kamu), and “I” is “wa” (aku). “Head” is “jiahala” ( kepala) and “hand” is “da’an” (tangan). “Foot” is “kaju” (kaki) and “eye” is “mada” (mata). “Ear” is “guping” (kuping), “nose” is “qilong” (hidung), “mouth” is “milü” (mulut). [Other words are]:

One: shadu (satu)

Two: luwa (dua)

Three: dige (tiga)

Four: Anba (empat)

Five: liyao (lima)

Six: annan ( enam)

Seven: duzhou ( tujuh)

Eight: wulaban (delapan)

Nine: jianlan ( sembilan)

Ten: shipulu ( sepuluh)

Hundred: shaladu (seratus)

Thousand: shaliwu (seribu)

Ten-thousand: shalisha (selaksa)

To eat: magan (makan)

Food: nuxu (nyusu ?)

Wine: ali ( arak, air, langgur)

Vegetables: liyou (sayur)

Rice: wula (beras)

Grains: bali

Beans: jiajiang (kedelai ?)

Silver: beili (perak)

Gold: yamo (emas)

Copper: damanya ( tembaga)

Iron: wuxi (besi)

Tin: dima (timah)

Money: beibi (uang, duwit ?)

     Chinese money: lian (liang)

     These terms are almost the same in all the Malay countries. [10]

     The [Malay] commoners are keen on their profits and are eager to kill. Even the king is a big robber.[11] When a king dies, the coffin with his remains is wrapped up in cloths. A location is chosen to serve as a [burial] park. It is considered lucky if water can be obtained. They do not enclose it, nor do they plant any trees [on the mound].

     In the mountains are a great numbers of lizi (Dayaks). All of them live in one [clearly delimited] area, which they do not dare to transgress. If they move slightly [outside of this area], they will promptly decimate each other. Although they are strong and large in numbers, they are afraid of both the Malays, the Dutch, and the Chinese. They do not dare to wage any battles against them. They are afraid, that – when their large armies come – they will have no place to flee to.

When the Chinese first came to this area, they married only with the daughters of the Dayaks. Only later, when the population had grown, did they start to arrange marriages among themselves and they rarely took Dayak women for their wives. The Dayaks are very evil and violent. They enjoy in killing. When they obtain a human head, they hang it over their gate. Those who have many [of these] are considered to be capable [men].

     Each of these countries produces borneol, bird’s nests, rattan, sandal wood, peppers, coconuts, and bamboo matting.

Appendix 6

TEMPLES IN PRESENT DAY WEST BORNEO

Appendix 7

LIST OF THE SULTANS OF SAMBAS ( ? – 1866)

1. Sultan Mohd. Tsafioedin (Marhoem Soleiman)

2. Sultan Mohd. Tadjoedin (Marhoem Bima)

3. Sultan Oermar Akamadin (Marhoem Adil)

4. Sultan Aboe-Bakar Tadjoedin (Marhoem Bongsoe)

5. Sultan Oemar Akamoedin (Marhoem Djama)

6. Sultan Moeda Achmad (Marhoem Gajoeng)

7. Sultan Aboe-Bakar Tadjoedin (Marhoem Djanggut): 1814

8. Sultan Mohd Ali Tsafioedin (Marhoem Anam): 1815 – 1828

9. Sultan Oesman Kamaloedin (Marhoem Oesman): 1828 – 1831

10. Sultan Oemar Akamadin (Marhoem Tengah): 1831 – 1846

11. Sultan Aboe-Bakar Tadjoedin: 1846 – 1853

12. Sultan Oemar Kamaloedin (Marhoem Oerai Toko): 1853 – 1866

13. Sultan Mohd Tsafioedin: 1866

source: Schaank, De Kongsis van Montrado.

LIST OF THE SULTANS OF PONTIANAK (1779 –1895)

1. Sjarif Abdoel Rachman Alkadri: 1779 – 1808

2. Sjarif Kasim bin Abdoel Rachman Alkadri: 1808 – 1819

3. Sjarif Osman bin Abdoel Rachman Alkadri: 1819 –1860

4. Sjarif Hamid bin Osman Alkadri: 1855 – 1872

5. Sjarif Joesoef bin Hamid Alkadri: 1873 – 1895

source: Enthoven, Bijdragen tot de geographie van Borneo’s Wester-afdeeling.

Appendix 8

HEADMEN OF THE HESHUN ZONGTING ARRESTED

BY THE DUTCH ARMY IN 1854

1. Huang Du, of Montrado, supervisor of the miners at Xiawu from March until July 1853; bookkeeper in the Xiawu from July 1853 until February 1854; buyer in the Shangwu from March 1854 onwards. He was among those who condemned Zheng Yongzong to death.

2. Liao Erlong, of Montrado, commander-in-chief of the troops and proxy for the kongsi Dagang in matters relating to the government.

3. Huang Jin’ao, of Montrado, captain of Montrado since March 1853.

4. Luo Guangnian, of Montrado, commander of a banner of fifty men of the Guanyinniang, the oracle of the Shangwu and Xiawu during both attacks on Seminis. One of the murderers of Zheng Yongzong.

5. Zheng Lin, of Montrado, aide-de-camp to Liao Erlong and as such commander of the rear-guard, which was to prevent desertion.

6. Lin San’an, of Montrado.

The six persons mentioned above must be considered to be the ring-leaders of the last rebellion, yet should duly be arranged in this order: Liao Erlong, Lin San’an, Zheng Lin, Huang Jin’ao, Luo Guangnian, Huang Du.

7. Huang Wan 黃萬, of Montrado, bookkeeper of the Shangwu from March until June 1853; he was among those who on the 6th day of the 3rd month of the year guichou tore up and destroyed the Dutch flags and seals received at Pontianak.

8. Fang Erxiu 房二秀, of Montrado, incited the population outside of Montrado to join in the rising.

9. Huang Zhongda.

10. Huang Chenzhong, of Montrado, was among those who – on the 6th day of the third month of the year guichou – tore up and destroyed the Dutch flags and seals received at Pontianak; he was the commander of the large banner of the Shangwu at Sepang and commander of the second banner of the Xiawu during the second attack on Seminis.

11. Xiang Ba, of Montrado, one of the murderers of Zheng Yongzong.

12. Peng Lin 彭林.

13. Liao Xinxiu of Montrado.

14. Gan Dui, of Montrado bookkeeper of the Shangwu from March to June 1853; he was among those who destroyed the Dutch flags and seals.

15. Lai Linbao, of Montrado, one of the murderers of Zheng Yongzong.

16. Wen Niangzhao 溫娘照, of Montrado, was in charge of the transportation of ammunition to Sepang and Seminis, and later acted as commander of the reinforcements at Bentunai.

17. Zhong Lao, of Montrado, supervisor in the Shangwu from November 1852 until February 1853; purchaser of the Shangwu from March until June 1853.

18. Huang Sandui, of Montrado, instigated the population outside of Montrado to join in the rising and was victualler at Sepang and Seminis.

19. Wu Jin, of Montrado, incited the population outside of Montrado to join in the rising; was magician of the Xiawu; was supervisor in the Shangwu from March to July 1853; was cashier in the Shangwu from July until October 1853.

20. Wen Ximei, of Montrado, was bookkeeper of the Xiawu from March to June 1853 and victualler at Sepang and Seminis.

21. Wu Zhu.

22. Liu Nan, of Lumar, was deputy of this locality in the ting during the whole period of the rising.

23. Ye Yao, of Montrado, was deputy of the Shangwu in the ting from March to June 1853 and assembled the troops summoned.

24. Wu Cai, of Montrado, was messenger between the army and Montrado.

25. Fang Bingshen.

26. Guan Xin, of Montrado, assembled the troops summoned.

(At this point Von Dewall adds the name of Huang Hanshen, of Montrado, who assembled the summoned troops; this person is not on the list given by Kielstra)

27. Gu Axin, of Montrado, was responsible for the transportation of ammunition to Sepang and Seminis, and perished at Sungai Melagie.

28. Huang Lianhuai, of Montrado, was among those who destroyed the Dutch flags and seals.

29. Di Wuwan, of Montrado, was messenger between the army and Montrado.

30. Zhong Bing, of Montrado, was commander of the second banner of the Shangwu, by Sepang and the first attack on Seminis, and was one of the party which destroy of the Dutch flags and seals.

31. Chen Gen, zhazhu of Shangwu at Singkawang during the years of 1853 – 1854.

32. Wu Zheng.

 Appendix 9

COMPARATIVE TABLE OF PLACE NAMES

Appendix 10

COMPARATIVE TABLE OF PERSONAL NAMES